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RUEHBY/AMEMBASSY CANBERRA 9893
RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON 1789
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RHHMUNA/CDR USPACOM HONOLULU HI
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RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 0501
RUEHBS/USEU BRUSSELS C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 RANGOON 001375 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR EAP/MLS, EAP/PD 
STATE PASS TO USAID/ANE:DKENNEDY 
PACOM FOR FPA 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/18/2016 
TAGS:        
SUBJECT: BURMA'S FORMER POLITICAL PRISONERS PERSEVERE 
 
 
Classified By: P/E Chief Leslie Hayden for Reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) 
 
 1. (C) Summary: Years in Burmese prisons have not dampened 
the will of many political prisoners to work within the 
country to promote change.  Despite a tough adjustment period 
to life on the outside, former prisoners once active in the 
pro-democracy movement still hold tightly to their beliefs. 
Some remain involved in politics, while others now dedicate 
themselves to social welfare projects to help others and 
spread pro-democracy messages.  Those who have become less 
politically active assert their willingness to go back to 
prison again if their activities had a good chance of 
bringing change to Burma.  Post offers the former prisoners 
some support; we should do more.  End summary. 
 
Adjusting to Life Outside Prison 
-------------------------------- 
 2. (C) P/E intern and FSNs interviewed 15 Rangoon-based 
former political prisoners in July and August 2006 to get a 
picture of their post-prison life in Burma.  Most had high 
expectations for what life will be like on the outside. 
While most expatriates here see Burma as stagnant and 
deteriorating, former prisoners considered their country 
rapidly transformed since they went to prison.  They cited as 
an example: City Mart, a chain of relatively modern 
supermarkets in Rangoon, which would be considered spartan by 
Giant and Safeway shoppers. 
 
 3.  (C) The reaction of family and friends to their release 
has discouraged many of the former prisoners.  Older 
relatives warn them, "Please don't be bad again or you will 
be sent back to prison," a crushing blow to political 
activists who believed they went to prison for a just cause 
and now are told they did something "bad" by those close to 
them.  Many of their old friends seem to have forgotten them, 
and no one wanted to discuss politics with them. Every 
prisoner with whom emboffs spoke still holds tightly to the 
beliefs that sent him or her to prison in the first place. 
Myat San (PROTECT), a well-known 1988 student activist who 
now focuses on social welfare projects, tells his close 
friends, "It's OK if you forget about me, but don't forget 
the reason I went to prison." 
 
 4. (C) Although prison life in Burma is extremely harsh, 
several former political prisoners said that outside world 
pressure felt even more intense.  After three or four months 
almost everyone wants to go back to prison, where many were 
among activist colleagues and had a status in prison society 
above criminal prisoners.  Some drew on their prior 
experience as political activists to negotiate with prison 
authorities and demand rights on behalf of all prisoners.  Ko 
Jimmy (PROTECT), a former political prisoner who remains 
active in politics, said that Burmese prison is like a 
microcosm of Burmese society; learning how to deal with 
prison authorities taught him new strategies to oppose the 
regime.  Many developed close connections with other 
activists in prison, upon whom they now rely for networking 
and moral support. 
 
 5.  (C) Those prisoners who best adapted to prison life used 
the opportunity to learn from others.  For example, some 
prisoners used their long sentences to master English, taught 
clandestinely by fellow inmates.  Younger activists housed 
with older politicians learned more about the history of the 
democracy movement in Burma and the experiences of earlier 
activists. One woman sent to prison while in the 9th grade 
taught herself how to make greeting cards from dried beans 
and seeds, and now plans to start her own greeting card 
business on the outside. 
 
 6.  (C) The Embassy's American Center offers a safe place for 
activists to meet one another, reestablish old friendships, 
make new connections, and network. Several former prisoners 
said that they met fellow activists whom they had not seen 
 
RANGOON 00001375  002 OF 004 
 
 
for years at the American Center.  Student activists also use 
social occasions, such as wedding ceremonies and funerals of 
mutual acquaintances, to network. 
 
Mental Health Care Needed 
------------------------- 
 7. (C) An informal network of former political prisoners 
reach out to their colleagues three to four months after 
release, when the pressure of adjusting becomes most intense. 
 Those who do not receive emotional support in this phase 
usually drop out of social contact and do not return to 
school or activities beneficial to themselves or society. 
According to Dr. Ma Thida, a well-known former prisoner, 
those who expected in advance to go to prison because of 
their political activities were mentally prepared for the 
ordeal and have the easiest adjustment period after prison. 
Others suffer from illnesses and injuries sustained in prison 
and battle serious depression.  A few former prisoners have 
committed suicide.  When a case is extremely serious, the 
network of former prisoners refer their colleague to the only 
psychologist in Burma willing to treat political prisoners, 
but only in secret. 
 
 8. (C) Moral support is not enough; many need professional 
help.  Former political prisoners said mental health is a 
bigger obstacle in their return to normal life than physical 
ailments, and that the lack of access to mental health care 
is a serious concern. The Embassy provided some assistance in 
February 2006 when Dr. J.F. Brodlie visited Burma for two 
weeks as a U.S. Speaker.  He offered group therapy and 
individual counseling sessions to former political prisoners 
at the American Center, and workshops for health care 
professionals at the Muslim Free Clinic. Former prisoners who 
attended the group therapy and individual counseling sessions 
requested more programs of that nature, particularly 
one-on-one sessions with mental health professionals, who 
could help evaluate their current mental conditions and 
organize programs that would include family members. 
 
Limited Access to Other Healthcare 
---------------------------------- 
 9. (C) Most prisoners immediately seek a medical check-up, 
but they have few resources and many doctors feel pressure 
not to treat political prisoners.  One eye specialist, who 
quietly treated former prisoners free of charge, was asked to 
leave by the owner of the clinic where he worked after his 
volunteer services were discovered.  The Muslim Free 
Hospital, where Dr. Tin Myo Win and former political prisoner 
Dr. Ma Thida volunteer, is the only place in Rangoon where 
most former political prisoners can receive healthcare. 
According to former prisoners, the Muslim Free Hospital only 
handles non-complicated health problems and does not offer 
any dental or eye care, two of the most common (and 
expensive) problems former political prisoners face.  Many, 
including student leader Min Ko Naing, also suffer from 
neurological problems, which require diagnosis by specialists 
not available at the Muslim Free Hospital, as well as 
expensive medications.  As a result, Min Ko Naing relies on 
herbal remedies.  Many of the former prisoners expressed 
apprehension that if regime officials pressured the Hospital 
administrators to stop treating former political prisoners, 
most would be left without any access to healthcare.  The 
fear is not unfounded.  The Director of the Hospital 
regularly gets questioned by police and military officials. 
 
 
Studying for the Future 
----------------------- 
 10.  (C) The biggest obstacles preventing former political 
prisoners from returning to academic studies interrupted by 
their imprisonment are tuition costs and the "generation gap" 
between former prisoners, many now in their late 30's and 
40's, and younger students.  Most former prisoners prefer 
informal study of English or computers rather than return to 
 
RANGOON 00001375  003 OF 004 
 
 
Burma's state-controlled university system.  As almost all 
private schools are too expensive for them, the best options 
in Rangoon are the Embassy's American Center and the British 
Council.  As word of the programs spread, more former 
prisoners enrolled.  Several former political prisoners said 
that they only went back to class when they learned that 
their friends were as well.  In so doing they hope to prevent 
the "generation gap" between them and younger students from 
becoming too wide to bridge. 
 
 11.  (C) The American Center offers more than just English 
classes.  We also teach about the fundamental concepts of 
democracy and human rights, as well as providing critical 
thinking and debating skills.  The former prisoners would 
like to form a network of activists to document and address 
human rights abuses inside Burma.  At their request, Post 
will use visiting U.S. Speaker Richard Claude, an expert in 
human rights training, to develop teaching materials and case 
studies that can be used for continuing training on human 
rights at the American Center and by the activists in their 
communities. 
 
 12.  (C) Several former prisoners attend classes at the 
American Center taking advantage of scholarship programs for 
former prisoners.  Former political prisoner and student 
leader Min Ko Naing told emboffs that political prisoners get 
little respect from others in society, which contributes to 
their low self-esteem. One woman who was imprisoned for seven 
years said her scholarship from the American Center gave her 
confidence and the feeling that her sacrifices were 
recognized in a way they had not been by her friends and 
family.  As word has spread of the scholarships, we have 
received allegations that the scholarships have been awarded 
to those closely connected to prominent student or NLD 
leaders rather than the most in need.  Many current American 
Center students encourage us to expand the scholarship 
program, while acknowledging the need for screening to keep 
out regime informers. 
 
 13.  (C) Of the fifteen former prisoners emboffs interviewed, 
only Myat San (PROTECT) decided to return to his university 
and complete his degree studies interrupted in 1988.  He said 
that a military intelligence officer follows him to and from 
class every day. On the first day of classes, the class 
professor and many younger students asked why he had been 
away from school for so long, assuming he had been abroad. 
When they realized he had been a political prisoner, they 
asked him if he had ever worked with Bo Aung Kyaw, who was a 
famous student activist in the 1920s. In his view, the 
question was a telling sign about the level of ignorance 
young Burmese have of their own history today.  In Myat San's 
opinion, the authorities allowed him to return to school 
because they feel confident that the older student activists 
have no influence over the younger generation. All four of 
the four former political prisoners with whom we had in-depth 
discussions about education agreed that the regime would 
allow them to return to Burmese universities if they wished, 
an indication the regime confidently believes it has the 
upper hand over the students. 
 
"Lost" Activists 
---------------- 
 14. (C) An important segment of former political prisoners 
have been overlooked: the low income workers, including 
street vendors and tri-shaw drivers, who played an essential 
role in the pro-democracy uprising in 1988.  Daily wage 
workers, they said, actively supported the pro-democracy 
movement and were included in almost every political trial in 
the late 1980's and early 1990's.  While the low-income 
workers did not have leadership roles, they disseminated 
information, helped with grassroots organizing, and supported 
student activities.  The former prisoners estimated that at 
least 20 percent of political prisoners came from this 
low-income group; students and opposition politicians made up 
 
RANGOON 00001375  004 OF 004 
 
 
60 percent of political prisoners; middle class professionals 
comprised about 5-10 percent; and the balance were monks. 
These low-income workers/political prisoners have not 
received the support that the political activists.  While 
most still hold true to their political beliefs, their main 
concern is survival.  According to former prisoners, some 
low-income former prisoners leave the country soon after 
release to become migrant workers in Thailand. 
 
The Former Prisoner's Role in Society 
------------------------------------- 
 15. (C) Most former political prisoners through inner 
strength and the support of their fellow political prisoners 
have successfully handled the pressures of life after prison. 
 Several prisoners attributed this to "good luck," as well as 
friends and associates who encouraged them and informed them 
about new educational opportunities.  Some have returned to 
opposition politics; others focus on helping others through 
apolitical social welfare projects; a few combine both. 
Those who avoid direct involvement in politics at this time 
explained that their involvement in community development 
projects, such as volunteer teaching or working with HIV/AIDS 
patients, enable them to build up trust with the public and 
spread the message of democracy in a more low-key way.  Many 
maintain ties with activists directly involved with political 
issues and said they would be willing to join them if the 
timing were right.  While they did not want to go back to 
prison for something "small," they would gladly do so if 
their activities had a good chance of bringing democratic 
change to Burma. 
 
 16.  (C) Former prisoners provided several examples of the 
types of programs that would benefit themselves and society. 
They are interested in learning more about computers, as well 
as programs on NGO management, conflict resolution, community 
organizing, and human rights.  Several suggested a very basic 
human rights program be developed for a broader audience. 
The students said that one problem in getting people in Burma 
to stand up and defend their rights is that many do not know 
what their rights are or how to ask. In prison, they said, 
some student prisoners studied the jailers' manual to learn 
their rights, and then demanded that prison authorities 
respect them. One former prisoner said that she was recently 
riding on a Rangoon city bus that was traveling too fast.  No 
other passengers were willing to act, and some were laughing 
or ignoring the dangerous situation. The former prisoner was 
angry and told the driver to slow down or she would report 
him to his superiors; he promptly did.  "The laughing 
passengers," she said, "are symbolic of what is wrong with 
Burma.  People are not afraid when they should be, and they 
are afraid when they shouldn't be.  On the bus, people faced 
a real danger, but they were more afraid of speaking up to a 
person in a position of authority than of getting in an 
accident." 
 
 15.  (C) COMMENT:  Many political activists in Burma emerge 
from prison ready pick up where they left off, and some have 
returned to the front-lines in the battle for democracy.  The 
regime's intimidation tactics keep most Burmese fearful and 
reluctant to get anywhere near politics or political 
activists.  Yet there are many who lost everything once, 
endured torture in prison, who will risk their futures to 
bring about peaceful change.  Our programs at the American 
Center have provided some low-key training and opportunities 
to network.  The regime watches the American Center closely, 
yet permits our programs to continue.  We should do more: 
bring in psychiatric experts; bring in more speakers on their 
priority topics; provide medicine to those in need; and 
develop broader-based programs on human rights that activists 
can use inside Burma.   End comment. 
VILLAROSA