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FM AMEMBASSY RANGOON
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 4895
INFO RUCNASE/ASEAN MEMBER COLLECTIVE
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RUDKIA/AMCONSUL CHIANG MAI 0547
RHHMUNA/CDR USPACOM HONOLULU HI
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RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 0434
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RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDC C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 RANGOON 001077 
 
SIPDIS 
 
SIPDIS 
 
STATE FOR EAP/MLS; PACOM FOR FPA 
 
E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/30/2016 
TAGS:        
SUBJECT: MIN KO NAING TRIES TO UNIFY BURMA'S OPPOSITION 
 
REF: A. RANGOON 1036 
 
      B. RANGOON 752 
      C. RANGOON 738 
      D. RANGOON 516 
 
RANGOON 00001077  001.2 OF 002 
 
 
Classified By: P/E Chief Leslie Hayden for Reasons 1.4 (b) and (d) 
 
 1.  (C)  SUMMARY: Min Ko Naing, former political prisoner and 
leader of the "88 Generation Students," used the July 19 
Martyrs' Day holiday to show support for the NLD in an 
ongoing effort to mend the fractured relationship between the 
NLD and student groups.  Min Ko Naing is taking on a more 
activist role in the opposition movement. In an environment 
where most pro-democracy groups tend to splinter rather than 
compromise, Min Ko Naing appears to be emerging as a unifier 
and leader.  END SUMMARY. 
 
 2.  (SBU)  "88 Generation Students" leader Min Ko Naing used 
the July 19 anniversary of the assassination of General Aung 
San, hero of Burma's independence movement and father of 
ASSK, to continue efforts to mend fences between student 
groups and the NLD.  For the first time, approximately 21 of 
the most active "88 Generation Students" participated in NLD 
organized Martyrs' Day events, demonstrating Min Ko Naing's 
ability to bring together fractured pro-democracy groups. 
 
 3.  (SBU)  In coordination with Min Ko Naing, prominent 88 
student leaders Ko Ko Gyi and Htay Kway led a march to NLD 
Headquarters where Ko Ko Gyi spoke to an audience of 
approximately 500 NLD members, Committee Representing the 
People's Parliament (CRPP) representatives, Shan and Chin 
ethnic leaders, members of the Veteran Politicians Group, 
journalists, diplomats and the ever present SPDC informers. 
Ko Ko Gyi's speech emphasized the importance of non-violence 
in the pro-democracy movement and lamented the absence of a 
real dialogue with the regime. 
 
 4.  (SBU)  Ominously, the regime chose the occasion to 
officially acknowledge the existence of the "People's Force", 
a group of citizen volunteers trained in riot control 
techniques and armed with bamboo sticks.  The People's Force 
wore identifiable armbands and were deployed around NLD 
Headquarters and the Martyrs' Mausoleum.  Unlike the People's 
Militia that supports the military in rural areas and is 
often cited for human rights violations, according to Burmese 
observers this urban version reports to local SPDC 
authorities and focuses on the surveillance of suspected 
political activists.  The Force first made its debut at the 
time of the November 1996 attack against ASSK, but have kept 
a low profile until their recent appearance on Martyrs' Day. 
 
 5.  (C)  Amidst the heightened security, Min Ko Naing led 
about 40 student activists and 10 NLD Youth members on a 
pilgrimage to General Aung Saung's Mausoleum, the first time 
NLD Youth members freely joined a non-NLD activity. 
Additionally, over 200 former NLD members who had been 
expelled from the party after the 2003 attack on ASSK because 
of differences with party leadership over strategy, waited 
outside the Headquarters hoping to join the march.  Fearing a 
large group would provoke a violent response from the 
authorities, Min Ko Naing began his march from a point beyond 
the view of NLD Headquarters so the former NLD members could 
not join but not be snubbed. 
 
 6.  (SBU)  At the Mausoleum's security gate, Special Branch 
police officers refused the marchers' request to enter as a 
group and conducted lengthy security checks before allowing 
only five visitors at a time to enter the mausoleum compound. 
Those wearing T-shirts with photos of General Aung San or 
 
RANGOON 00001077  002.2 OF 002 
 
 
dress associated with the Burmese struggle against 
colonialism were not allowed to enter.  The participants laid 
flowers, saluted in the direction of the Mausoleum, and 
marched down the hill to NLD Headquarters together. 
 
 7.  (C)  In a recent conversation with PolIntern and PolFSN, 
Min Ko Naing shared his off-the-record thoughts on the 
current rift within the NLD between the "Uncles," who see 
their role as caretakers until ASSK is released, and those 
who want the NLD to more actively oppose the regime.  Min Ko 
Naing expressed sympathy for those who want to see a more 
proactive NLD and sometimes acts as a "go-between" for the 
two groups.  In his view, the NLD "Uncles" wasted an 
opportunity to speak out publicly against the recent photo 
campaign under which urban households were ordered to pay for 
family photos for display at the request of the authorities 
(ref B).  Min Ko Naing believes the NLD could publicly oppose 
such policies without jeopardizing their legal status. 
 
 8.  (C)  While Min Ko Naing insists he wants to maintain a 
low profile, his participation in the pro-democracy movement 
continues to increase.  He is currently focused on organizing 
and instilling discipline in the members of his 88 Students' 
Generation group, supporting tuition-free primary schools 
(ref A), and spearheading his two-year-old human rights 
network, Human Rights Vanguard.  According to the network's 
core members, Human Rights Vanguard has a presence in 14 of 
Burma's 17 states and districts, with strongest participation 
in Mandalay, Rangoon, Bago, and Irrawaddy Districts.  The 
organization focuses on human rights education, corroborating 
and documenting human rights abuses, and obtaining legal 
counsel for those targeted by the regime.  At Min Ko Naing's 
request, the Embassy's American Center has provided 
information on human rights for members of the network.  He 
and Ko Ko Gyi also build support among the wide audience 
listening to shortwave broadcasts through regular interviews 
with the broadcast services. Min Ko Naing acknowledges that 
his increased activities attract attention from the regime 
since he is under constant surveillance. 
 
 9. (C)  Min Ko Naing also expressed concern over comments 
advocating "constructive engagement" at the recent 
International Burma Studies Conference in Singapore.  Those 
who want the NLD and student activists to compromise with the 
regime and join the SPDC's Road Map to Democracy have 
forgotten, he said, that it was the NLD who was given the 
public mandate after the 1990 election.  This cannot be 
dismissed or pushed aside.  While Min Ko Naing did not 
express strong feelings about sanctions, he pointed out that 
international action must be taken in the face of the 
regime's massive human rights violations, and that sanctions 
are one type of action. 
 
 10.  (C)  COMMENT: In an environment where most pro-democracy 
groups tend to splinter rather than compromise, Min Ko Naing 
appears to be emerging as a unifying figure.  He has retained 
a loyal following among student activists both inside Burma 
and those who left the country.   His fifteen years in prison 
have enhanced rather than diminished his stature.  At the 
same time, he has avoided the petty fights and arguments that 
have tarnished other reputations and driven so many Burmese 
democracy groups apart.  That Min Ko Naing is willing to mend 
fences between student activists and the NLD, while also 
smoothing internal NLD rifts, shows the sort of leadership 
abilities that is sorely needed in Burma.  END COMMENT. 
VILLAROSA